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Street Drugs Book 2010

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What America's Users Spend on Illegal Drugs, – Technical Report. B. Kilmer. S. Everingham Search for reviews of this book · Cite this Item · Book. By ROBERT PERKINSON JULY 30, While drug purity has increased, street prices over the long term have dropped jumbled survey of “the white trade” and its enemies, Feiling's book (published last year in Britain as. Suggested citation: UNODC, World Drug Report (United Nations. Publication .. tries' ability to provide information on illicit drug supply is significantly.

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It shows what can happen to someone who smokes methamphetamine. Meth Teeth This is a free poster. The committee drew on economic models and their supporting data, as well as related research, as one part of the evidentiary base for this report.

The committee was not able to fully address task 2 in our statement of work because research in that area is not strong enough to give an accurate description of consumers across different markets nor to address the question of why markets remain robust despite the risks associated with buying and selling drugs. The discussion at the workshop underscored the point that the available ethnographic research and the limited longitudinal research on drug-seeking behavior are not strong enough to inform those questions.

FINDINGS Drug Markets Illegal drug markets have several distinctive features as markets: imperfect information: uncertainty by both sellers and buyers about the quality and quantity of drugs in a transaction; the phenomena of epidemics and contagion: drug use can increase with great speed and can spread through social contact; and law enforcement: a nonmarket factor that affects the price of drugs and the manner in which they are distributed.

Prevention and Treatment The measured effectiveness of programs at the population level is discouraging, while the evidence on treatment is encouraging.

However, there are difficulties inherent in measuring individual illegal drug use—a covert behavior that occurs outside the framework of legal markets. The problem is further complicated by the heterogeneity of drug use: there are major differences between a large number of occasional users who do not satisfy formal diagnostic criteria for abuse or dependence and smaller groups of regular and frequent users of heroin, cocaine, and amphetamine who meet dependence criteria.

Available Data and Research The data on prevalence, which come from nationally representative population and treatment surveys covering, respectively, the noninstitutionalized and treatment populations , are of limited value in understanding the full extent of drug use.

Because of limitations in both their sampling frames and the high nonresponse rates, they fail to capture information about the respective roles of heavy use and recreational use in drug markets, the dynamics associated with the apparent failure of policy interventions to delay or inhibit the onset of illegal drug use for a large proportion of the population, and the effects of enforcement on demand reduction. Department of Health and Human Services HHS , has implemented several methodological improvements over its predecessor, the National Household Survey of Drug Abuse, to increase response rates and improve data quality, but it continues to miss a large fraction of those with the most serious drug abuse problems.

Increasingly, new methodologies are being used to reach and survey hidden populations. Yet there has been little research on the strengths, weaknesses, and best practices of the methodologies. There are important questions about the impact of respondent incentive payments on research participation that would be valuable. Also missing in current work is attention to explicitly coordinating the NSDUH with other high-quality datasets in areas important to substance abuse.

Monitoring the Future MTF , the long-term and ongoing study of the behaviors, attitudes, and values of U. Department of Justice, which studied criminally active drug offenders and was ended in One of the most surprising observations about major drug markets over the last 30 years has been failure of increasingly stringent supply-side enforcement as measured by the number of people imprisoned for offenses related to drug sales to raise the prices of cocaine and heroin.

Indeed, in spite of those stringent efforts, there have been marked price declines over the period.

National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA)

Figures and show inflation-adjusted price trends for heroin and powder cocaine, in Chicago; Washington, DC; Atlanta; and San Diego. Both figures show the average price per gram at the average purity offered. Heroin and cocaine displayed sharp price declines between and , with much slower declines after that. There are occasionally short-lived spikes in prices, but none that has lasted for longer than a year. Price trends are also similar across cities, suggesting the difficulty of any cross-sectional time-series analysis that controls for city and year effects.

The real price of marijuana for which only national estimates were available was rather stable over the sample period: However potency the percentage of tetra hydrocannabinol [THC] as measured by seizure samples rose over most of the period National Drug Intelligence Center, , so that one cannot determine what happened to potency-adjusted prices.

Figure provides data for three levels of the market.

Drug of Choice

One level is retail transactions, involving purchase of about one-tenth of an ounce at. These data indicate how high a proportion of the final price of marijuana is accounted for the activities of lower level dealers.

In order to assess the effects of these price changes over time on consumption, it is important to pay attention to substances that are potential substitutes or complements to these drugs. The real price of beer and spirits also declined markedly over the same period. Real tobacco prices sharply increased, reflecting state and local excise tax increases, as well as price increases brought about by the tobacco master settlement agreement.

Drug markets have changed in many ways since In particular, the markets for cocaine and heroin now both involve much older buyers and sellers, and this change has profound consequences for how the markets operate and for their effects on society. In the case of heroin, it was estimated that the total number of chronic users fell from 1,, in to , in while the estimated number of emergency department admissions related to heroin rose from 33, to 84, Over this time period, the rate of emergency department admissions per heroin addict rose from about 3 per hundred to 10 per hundred.

This is consistent with a population which, through aging, is increasingly subject to acute health problems Scott et al. Another manifestation of the aging phenomena may be the decline in crime despite continued high rates of detected crack use.

Levitt argued that the receding of the crack epidemic was a major factor in explaining the decline in black youth homicides in the s, just as the epidemic itself was a principal driver of the homicide rise in the. Successive estimates showed considerable variation both in absolute numbers for the same estimate year and in the pattern of changes year to year Office of National Drug Control Policy, , In a subsequent article Fryer et al.

The index was flat through most of the s, and the authors conjecture that the decline in homicide, in particular, arose from the creation of property rights—that is, established ownership of specific locations for selling drugs—in a stabilized market. The property rights hypothesis is an interesting one; we know of no evidence to directly test it. A recent study of the Denver heroin market Hoffer, points to the complexity of arrangements in these markets and the extent to which they are shaped by specific physical and social environments.

In Denver, the open air heroin market settled in an area that had been occupied by a number of homeless men, some of whom were themselves heroin addicts.

When Hoffer observed the market in the s, these men had become important go-betweens for the more professional sellers, mostly illegal Mexican immigrants working for a Mexican drug gang, and the broader population of users in the city. The city cleaned up the area in the mids, partly to prepare for the new baseball stadium.

This change made the area much less attractive both to customers and to the immigrant sellers; the locals moved from being go-betweens to active sellers themselves and forced the market to be reconfigured in a number of different ways.

Given that male violence declines with age, a simpler, compelling hypothesis for the changed linkage between aggregate measures of crack use and homicide may be found in the aging of the crack-using population, conjectured in MacCoun and Reuter This pattern is also consistent with prison inmate survey data, which show marked aging in the population of prison inmates who reported recent cocaine use at the time of their incarceration Pollack, Reuter, and Sevigny, Prison inmate survey data also indicate sharply declining age profiles in violent offending among cocaine users Pollack et al.

The contrasting trends in numbers and adverse consequences suggest that the overall number of drug users is just one of several variables that influence the health, employment, and crime consequences of substance use.

The age of drug users, the duration and intensity of their drug use, and other factors play important roles. Similar insights apply to the supply side of illegal drug markets. The aging of drug sellers and the maturing of drug markets may be more important than the overall number of drug sellers in determining the social effects of these markets on local communities.

An influential study by Levitt and Venkatesh , based on data collected in the early s, examined the young and eager sellers will-. These sellers, 15 years later, may form an aging cohort of cocaine-dependent sellers, who are advantaged by the fact that they take some of their return in the form of reduced-price drugs. More recently, youths may no longer be so readily tempted to enter into drug selling rather than completing school. In this respect, data collected on juvenile arrestees in the District of Columbia since are of some interest.

In the late s more than 20 percent of juvenile arrestees tested positive for recent cocaine use; the comparable figure since about has been less than 4 percent District of Columbia Pretrial Services Agency, Given the chronic, relapsing nature of substance use disorders, these age patterns become especially important Pollack et al. For example, Hser and colleagues found that the risk of incarceration for a cohort of heroin addicts they recruited in varied over the 33 years that they followed them.

When the addicts were surveyed at the first follow-up in at average age 37, 23 percent were incarcerated; in , at average age 57, only 14 percent of the survivors were incarcerated.

These authors report that clients under the age of 25 were four times as likely to report that they had recently robbed someone with a weapon as were clients over the age of Although by some measures older clients achieved better treatment outcomes, substance abuse treatment was most cost-beneficial when provided to the most criminally active population of male clients under 25, precisely because these younger drug addicts inflict such high costs on society through their criminal offending.

Recently, there has been some attention to the aging of the population being treated for drug dependence. Trunzo and Henderson show that, of those in treatment for drugs or drugs and alcohol, the number over age 50 quintupled in 13 years , while the total population in treatment rose only by 14 percent over about the same period According to TEDS data, substance abuse treatment clients over the age of 50 have been using for a very long time Trunzo and Henderson, These data indicate strong period effects in the reported initiation of some substances, though not others.

Figure shows the reported year of first use among patients recently admitted for heroin use disorders aged 50 or older in Figure shows the most dramatic descriptive evidence of cohort. The figure, drawn from and TEDS data, displays changes in the age distribution of clients admitted for cocaine smoked disorders. In more than 50 percent of those entering treatment were 30 years old or younger; in that figure had dropped to 21 percent.

At the same time, the percent over age 40 rose from 7 percent to more than 40 percent. These changes do not reflect the consequence of an epidemic of new use among the older population; rather, they represent the aging of those who were caught in the earlier epidemics.

Similar, although somewhat weaker evidence of aging can be found in DAWN emergency department data: The population-adjusted rate of cocaine-related admissions hardly changed between and for age groups under The rate increased by 75 percent for patients aged , and it more than doubled for those aged In the case of heroin, there is other evidence of a sudden elevation of initiation rates during the late s and early s, followed by a rapid decline to a much lower rate, a phenomenon first reported by Kozel and Adams Similarly, in an early s sample of street heroin users, Rocheleau and Boyum also found evidence of much higher initiation rates in the early s than in the following 15 years.

For cocaine powder, the decline is less pronounced than that for heroin. Rydell and Everingham, More recently, Caulkins and colleagues reported estimates of annual cocaine initiation using NHSDA and a variety of methods; all show a peak in followed by a decline of two-thirds in the next 5 years. For crack cocaine, the epidemic was still later, starting between about and , depending on the city Cork, This phenomenon of sudden change in initiation has been the subject of a new class of epidemiologic models developed by Jonathan Caulkins and collaborators e.

These authors use diverse data to document the long trajectory of drug epidemics. After the peak, the initiation rate does not return to its original zero level, but it does fall to a rate well below the peak. Under reasonable assumptions, the result is a flow of new users who do not fully replace those lost through desistance, death, or incarceration. Thus, the number of dependent users declines over time.

Moreover, the drug-using population ages, with corresponding changes in the health, employment, and crime consequences of substance use. This aging phenomenon is not restricted to the United States. Similar analyses of the aging heroin-dependent population can be found in Switzerland. For example, Nordt and Stohler show the same kind of sharp increase and decline in heroin initiation.

They reference a similar pattern in Italy. However, data from England De Angelis et al. These findings are a reminder that epidemics represent social rather than biological contagion and so vary in shape over time and place, and they focus attention on what can be done to prevent new ones from taking hold.

In addition to the formal modeling of epidemics of drug use, there is a substantial observational literature, often based on ethnographic research that describes the process of change; see, for example, Agar and Risinger on heroin, Hamid on crack, and Murphy and colleagues on ecstasy. Understanding what generates these sudden upsurges in particular places and particular times is a research issue of the greatest importance. Economic models help to illuminate drug markets, but they leave many unsettled questions.

Nationally representative survey data provide a useful resource to examine the determinants of occasional drug use, particularly among youth and young adults. The most socially costly forms of chronic substance abuse and dependence are not well captured in available survey data.

Other epidemiological sources—including emergency department data and analysis of data from arrestees—provide a better, albeit indirect, window into these patterns. Abe-Kim, J. Takeuchi, S. Hong, N. Zane, S. Sue, M. Spencer, H. Appel, E.

Nicdao, and M. Use of mental health-related services among immigrant and U. Results from the National Latino and Asian American study. American Journal of Public Health, 97 1 , Agar, M. A heroin epidemic at the intersection of histories: The s epidemic among African Americans in Baltimore.

Medical Anthropology , 21, Alegria, M. Jackson, R. Kessler, and D. No date. Ann Arbor, MI: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research.

Mulvaney-Day, M. Woo, M.

Torres, S. Gao, and V. Correlates of past-year mental health service use among Latinos: Arkes, J. Pacula, S. Paddock, J. Caulkins, and P. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research. Bachman, J. Johnston, and P. The Monitoring the Future project after twenty-seven years: Design and procedures. In Monitoring the Future Occasional Papers. Institute for Social Research. Basu, A. Paltiel, and H. Social costs of robbery and the cost-effectiveness of substance abuse treatment.

Health Economics, 17 8 , Bretteville-Jensen, A. Drug demand—Initiation, continuation and quitting.

The Economist, 4 , Caulkins, J. Price and purity analysis for illicit drug: Data and conceptual issues. Behrens, C. Knoll, G. Tragler, and D. Markov chain modeling of initiation and demand: The case of the U. Health Care Management Science, 7 4 , Chae, D. Gavin, and D. Smoking prevalence among Asian Americans: Public Health Reports, 6 , Chatterji, P.

Lu, and D. Psychiatric disorders and labor market outcomes: Evidence from the National Latino and Asian American study. Health Economics, 16 10 , 1,, Child Trends Data Bank. High School Dropout Rates. Community Epidemiology Work Group. Epidemiologic Trends in Drug Abuse: Proceedings of the Community Epidemiology Work Group. Compton, W. Major increases in opioid analgesic abuse in the United States: Concerns and strategies. Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 81 2 , Cork, D.

Examining space-time interaction in city-level homicide data: Crack markets and the diffusion of guns among youth. Journal of Quantitative Criminology , 15 4 , De Angelis, D. Hickman, and S. Back-calculation methods and opiate overdose deaths. American Journal of Epidemiology, 10 , , Degenhardt, L. Chiu, N. Sampson, R. Kessler, and J.

Epidemiological patterns of extra-medical drug use in the United States: Evidence from the National Comorbidity Survey Replication, Drug Alcohol Dependence, 90 , District of Columbia Pretrial Services Agency.

Drug Testing Statistics. Fendrich, M. Johnson, J. Wislar, A. Hubbell, and V. The utility of drug testing in epidemiological research: Results from a general population survey. Addiction, 99 2 , Flynn, P. Simpson, M. Anglin, and R. Comment on nonresponse and selection bias in treatment follow-up studies.

Substance Use and Misuse, 36 12 , 1,, Ford, B. Bullard, R. Taylor, A. Toler, H.

Neighbors, and J. Lifetime and month prevalence of diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders, fourth edition disorders among older African Americans: Findings from the national survey of American life. American Journal of Geriatric Psychiatry, 15 8 , Fryer, R. Heaton, S.

Levitt, and K. Measuring the Impact of Crack Cocaine. Galea, S. Participation rates in epidemiologic studies. Annals of Epidemiology, 17 9 , Gerstein, D. Nonresponse and selection bias in treatment follow-up studies. Substance Use and Misuse, 35 , , In reply to Patrick M.


Flynn and colleagues. Datta, J.

Ingels, R.This point estimate is very similar to that reported by Pacula and colleagues , who reported that the elasticity is between —0. However, qualitative research among smokers in disadvantaged communities in Glasgow found that social networks and social stressors combined to reinforce smoking patterns, not reduce them Stead et al.

Retail Store Poster This Retail Store Poster is designed for the employees of merchants that sell household products that are used to produce methamphetamine. Some Cost and Price Factors Caulkins and Reuter provide a useful breakdown of the magnitude of the components of costs of cocaine. It was the first definition to give equal weight to behavioural and physiological factors in diagnosis.

National Findings. It provides basic admissions data, including primary, secondary, and tertiary drug of abuse; number of prior treatments; primary source of referral; employment status; whether methadone was prescribed in treatment; diagnosis codes; presence of psychiatric problems; living arrangements; source of income; health insurance; expected source of payment; substance s abused; route of administration; frequency of use; age at first use; pregnancy and veteran status; health insurance; and days waiting to enter treatment.

Health Care Management Science, 7 4 , Similar analyses of the aging heroin-dependent population can be found in Switzerland.

These sellers, 15 years later, may form an aging cohort of cocaine-dependent sellers, who are advantaged by the fact that they take some of their return in the form of reduced-price drugs.

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