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This register was initially identified with youth from the capital Jakarta but its salient features are now found in the speech and writing of Indonesian urban youth in different parts of the archipelago. There have been very few studies on the dialectal variation of this register. A recent study by Manns gives a detailed account of gaul spoken in Malang, a city in the province of East Java. Another study Djenar et al. Pre-publication version November 12 To appear in: The performative aspect of their use of gue and elu is shown, for example, by higher pitch, louder volume, and body language mimicking a television presenter Manns notes that the first person form gue is used much less by Malang speakers than the second person forms e lu.
The same speaker said that she might use e lu to accommodate a Jakartan speaker, but admitted to feeling awkward if she were to refer to herself with gue because she felt that her heavy Javanese accent would not sit well with the expected lightness of accent with which this pronoun is generally uttered. This statement is revealing for two reasons.
Firstly, the use of the pronouns gue and e lu are very strongly associated with Jakarta and Jakartan speakers. In this sense they are sociospatially anchored. Pre-publication version November 13 To appear in: To Malang speakers, Jakarta is a region with cosmopolitan and modern affordances.
The light accent in which Jakartans speak is part of this conceptualisation. To say that one is not able to emulate this accent is, in effect, to admit to corporeal limitation.
Referring to the addressee in a less than perfect accent is acceptable as it denotes the other and can be positively seen as accommodating, but identifying oneself with gue may prove to be too much of a self-exposure. In this sense, though the pair gue and e lu are reflexes of speaker and addressee roles, they are valued differently. Pre-publication version November 14 To appear in: It is significant that the strong association between gue and the Jakartan identity indicated by the Malang speaker should find its representation in teen fiction.
In Canting Cantiq, a novel by Dyan Nuranindya , the form gue is consistently used by the protagonist, Melanie Adiwijoyo. Melanie is the daughter of a furniture magnate who went bankrupt and is forced to give up his family home. Sent to live with her grandfather in Yogyakarta or Yogya , Melanie finds herself in an unfamiliar place with unfamiliar people.
Yogyakarta is known as the seat of Javanese culture. As shown later in this chapter, Melanie continues to use gue despite the fact that young people she meets and with whom she becomes close friends do not use this form.
She does not accommodate to the speech style of these other characters, and nor do they to her. Fiction, as a form of narrative, does not speak about real-life experiences.
Rather, as Semino But fictional narrative is itself based on what Fludernik However, they do alternate between other forms, signalling shifts in positioning in relation to her. Pre-publication version November 15 To appear in: According to Fludernik, readers are active actors who construct meanings based on familiar cognitive schemata. They do this when they interpret fictional stories in the same way as when they respond to real-life stories relayed in conversation.
However, I would propose that writers too impose familiar schemata cognitive frames when constructing stories. Embedded within such schemata are the categorial effects of pronouns and their typical sociospatial associations, such that when these schemata are invoked, their sociospatial anchoring is also invoked. For example, the use of papa by a teen character to refer to her father would signal her urban, middle-class background, in contrast to another character who uses bapak to index her lower socio-economic background.
Pre-publication version November 16 To appear in: How do writers become familiar with teen schemata? Apart from having been teenagers themselves or having teenage children, writers of teen fiction are exposed to such schemata and become familiar with typical situational details through exposure to and engagement with various forms of media, particularly television and social media where youth styles of speaking and interacting are ubiquitous.
Teenlit writers are familiar with two elements expected by their publishers: Within these broad requirements they are free to explore their own styles, including the choice of pronouns. Thus in addition to gue and aku, they may use saya or personal name for self-reference. As discussed below, variation of person form is common in Indonesian. Pre-publication version November 17 To appear in: In his description of colloquial Indonesian, Ewing Sneddon There are a considerable number of personal pronouns in CJI, particularly for first person.
But even in similar social situations different speakers of similar age, education and social group, may make quite different choices and, moreover, many alternate between different pronouns in what seems a random fashion. Sneddon found the following pronouns in his conversation and interview data, some more common than others: Pre-publication version November 18 To appear in: In addition to the above pronouns, speakers also use kin terms and personal names for first and second person references.
Titles are also used for second and third person references. Kami is also used for singular or plural first person, but never inclusive. Sneddon focuses his study on speakers from Jakarta. This association remains strong particularly in relation to first- and second-person pronouns, as indicated by Manns , Ewing All these previous studies suggest that spatial and social ordering is an important dimension of pronoun use.
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Pre-publication version November 19 To appear in: In what follows I show how the findings from conversation are mirrored in teen fiction. Ten of the fifteen stories in the novels under study are set in Jakarta, four in Yogya, and one in both Jakarta and Yogya. All stories contain representations of interaction by members of friendship groups and most stories deal with the theme of romantic relationships.
In the story set in both Jakarta and Yogya, all four forms are found. Variation of forms in this story is discussed in more detail in section 6. The default patterns for the Jakarta stories and the Yogya stories are illustrated below. Pre-publication version November 20 To appear in: Gue mau ngomong niiih! I reeeally want to tell [you] something! Yang jelas, jangan rese, ya. Awas lo! Just remember that! Pre-publication version November 21 To appear in: Like in the previous examples, in 6 and 7 gue and e lo occur in the speech of peer group members.
This pair contrasts with the aku-kamu set in the speech of romantic partners shown in 8 and 9. Pre-publication version November 22 To appear in: Lo sih, beraninya cuma ngeliatin doang. Sapa dia dong! Why not say hello! Pre-publication version November 23 To appear in: Habis itu sih nggak ada apa-apa lagi.
After that, no plans. Aku and kamu and its enclitic form —mu, marking possessor occur in the speech of the girl protagonist, Ocha. Example 10 shows Ocha talking to close friend Pia. Aku temenin sampe mbakmu jemput deh! I will stay here with you until your older sister picks you up, ok! Pre-publication version November 24 To appear in: Gue and elo are the default forms for peer group members and siblings in the Jakarta stories, while aku and kamu are the default forms for participants in the Yogya stories.
Aku and kamu are also used by characters in a romantic relationship, both in the Jakarta and Yogya stories. Considering the range of forms available in Indonesian, and the relative freedom that writers have to craft their writing style, it is surprising to find the patterns of preferences in the novels. One might object that the relative uniformity observed here is an effect of genre. Pre-publication version November 25 To appear in: Pre-publication version November 26 To appear in: The most common second person forms are e lu and kamu.
This pattern is mirrored in the Jakarta stories. The default forms in the Yogya stories are aku and kamu for first and second persons respectively. Ewing Englebretson I would argue that aside from a region-based differentiation Jakartan youth speakers prefer gue , social age and discourse type are the main differentiating factors for saya.
Pre-publication version November 27 To appear in: The preference for aku in teenlit accords with this view. Teenlit novels generally focus on the relation between members of friendship groups. It makes sense therefore that a form typically associated with casual attitudes should be preferred. Situational variation So far we have established the patterns of pronoun choice in terms of collective preferences.
To what extent can we consider the pronouns as emerging from and tied to situational contingencies and reflecting individual preferences?
As noted by Sneddon Types of discourse e. Pre-publication version November 28 To appear in: Other motivating factors for variation, as noted by previous studies, include a change of addressee, performance and stance-taking, and accommodation.
For example, two teenagers on gue-elo terms may shift to aku- kamu as they enter into a romantic relationship, and may revert to gue-elo in times of conflict. The Jakarta stories suggest that the shift from gue-elo to aku-kamu among participants who are moving from being friends to being romantic partners forms a shared pattern. This contrasts with the pattern for peer interaction in the Jakarta stories in which gue-elo is the preferred forms.
This is different in the Yogya stories where there is no change of form. The preference for aku-kamu in romantic relationships reflects the typification of these pronouns as ones that can be used to convey closeness and intimate familiarity without the coarseness of the Jakartan gue-elo. I now turn to two examples to show how situational use draws from as well as reinforces sociospatial ordering. The first example is taken from Canting Cantiq Nuranindya , the novel mentioned earlier.
Pre-publication version November 29 To appear in: Saka explains that he is one of the student boarders there. Kemudian ia tersenyum simpul. Nuranindya Then he smiled in amusement. Pre-publication version November 30 To appear in: Gue identifies Melanie as a Jakartan and differentiates her from Saka who is from Yogya. The co-occurrence of this pronoun with the name Jakarta in her utterance makes explicit that regional differentiation.
In this context, gue produces a distancing effect. By using gue in Yogya — a place where this pronoun is not common — and to a person she presumes to be a servant, Melanie distances herself from what she perceives as a lesser social position. This distancing is an effect that emerges from this situational context, but also draws from the typification of gue as an index of a Jakartan identity.
The juxtaposition between gue and saya therefore produces a contrast that is both regionally and socially based. Pre-publication version November 31 To appear in: Tegas tapi dingin. Dan sama sekali tanpa senyum. Sedikit pun! Firm but cold. And completely without smiling.
Not even a little bit! As mentioned, saya is not the common form for first person in this story or other teenlit stories. The context in 14 makes it clear that the use of this term produces a pragmatically marked effect, as indicated in the following response from other classmates.
Namanya keren banget! Meta menoleh. Tampangnya langsung sewot. Such a cool name! Meta turned around. She suddenly fumed. Pre-publication version November 32 To appear in: Clearly this reaction is not the result of saya alone. However, the fact that Davi selects saya in self-introduction suggests that he knows how to present a public persona. Saya links him to the absent others e.
Following his self-introduction, Davi is described as approaching the girl protagonist, Irish, asking if he could sit next to her. Irish replies that another classmate, Deni, is sitting there. Davi responds by using gue, even though this is the first time he speaks to Irish. His use of gue in this context accords with the Jakarta default pattern for non-romantic partners. Pre-publication version November 33 To appear in: The instances of saya in teenlit suggest that the use of this pronoun by Jakartan youth is motivated by situational contingencies.
At the same time, in using the pronoun the teen characters are linked to others in the real-world social milieu in which saya is recognised as a form that can be used to index a formal stance and public identity. Conclusion I hope to have demonstrated that there is a significant degree of mirroring between pronoun use in conversation and in fiction. The examination of the teenlit data show that there are two different patterns for first and second person pronoun preferences in peer interaction among youth.
The set aku and kamu occurs in the speech of romantic partners in the Jakarta stories and is a variation of the default pattern. I have accounted for aku- kamu in these stories in terms of individual variation.
This variation is not attested in the Yogya stories. Pre-publication version November 34 To appear in: I have argued that the difference between the Jakarta and Yogya stories is sociospatially motivated.
While pronoun shifts may be motivated by situational contingencies, the defaults for both Jakarta and Yogya stories draw on perduring effects which link pronominal forms to a region-based social typification.
As pointed out, the forms employed by young people in everyday interaction are not limited to those analysed in this study. What I hope to have shown is that, despite the availability of different forms in Indonesian, there are certain emerging patterns of preferences among youth in peer interaction, and these preferences are linked to the region- based distinction between Jakarta and non-Jakarta.
How widespread this attitude toward the Jakartan pronouns is remains a question that awaits further research.
In showing the mirroring between pronoun choice in conversation and fiction, I sought to establish a case for considering fiction as quasi- mimetic not only in the sense that readers apply the same cognitive frames in interpreting fictional stories as they do real life stories, but also that writers do so when constructing fictional stories.
Pre-publication version November 35 To appear in: References Agha, Asif. Voice, footing, enregisterment. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 15 1: Downloaded 18 times Sister strongly urged by the metamorphoses of G.
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