NATURAL HAZARDS AND DISASTERS 3RD EDITION PDF
Keller, Devecchio,Natural Hazards Earths Processes as Hazards 3rd Edition - Ebook download as PDF File .pdf), Text Download as PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd Earth's Processes as Hazards, Disasters, and Catastrophes. PDF | Joanne M. Nigg and others published Natural Hazards and Disasters. support the right to safety, sometimes expressed as the right to an environment that is communities, and in the third community, an international NGO had. Natural hazards afflict all corners of the Earth; often unexpected, seemingly that Third World countries bring much of the disaster IceStormpdf>. Lamb .
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3rd ed. Australia: Brooks/Cole, Cengage Learning, pages, , English, Book; Illustrated, 2. Natural hazards and disasters / Donald Hyndman, David. A Hawaiian historic peoples viewed many natural disasters with legend even has a Press - Natural Hazards, Second Edition Edward Bryant . phenomenon in the Third World, where it response to natural hazards at the. Fifth edition. New York: Natural hazards - earths processes as hazards, disasters, and catastrophes. by Duane E Third Canadian edition. Abingdon, Oxon.
Coordination of the Humanitarian Health Effort Coordination of the humanitarian health effort is essential to maximize the benefit of the response effort and ensure its compatibility with the public health development priorities of the affected country.
Effective coordination in the health sector must do the following: Be comprehensive and include all external health actors.
Be based on mutual respect rather than regulatory authority alone. Dialogue and consultation are more effective than enforcement. Benefit all parties, starting with the victims. It should aim to support and facilitate the activities of other partners. Be evidence-based and transparent. Information is made to be shared and used, not jealously guarded. Coordination cannot be improvised in the aftermath of a disaster.
Preparedness before the occurrence of the hazard is essential. Emergency Preparedness of the Health Sector Effective response by national health authorities cannot be impromptu. Ministries of health that neglected to invest in capacity building before emergencies have generally experienced serious difficulties in exercising their technical and political leadership in the immediate aftermath of a disaster.
Disaster preparedness is primarily a matter of building institutional capacity and human resources, not one of investing heavily in advanced technology and equipment. Building local coping capacity is one of the most cost-effective ways to improve the quality of the national response and the external interventions.
Disaster preparedness is not merely having a disaster plan written by experts. It must involve the following: Identifying vulnerability to natural or other hazards. The health sector should seek information and collaborate with other sectors and institutions civil protection, meteorology, environment, geology that have the primary responsibility for collecting and analyzing this information.
Building simple and realistic health scenarios of a possible and probable occurrence. It is challenging enough to prepare for a moderate-size disaster; building and sustaining a culture of fear based on unrealistic worst-case scenarios may serve the corporate interests of the disaster community but not the interests of the public at large.
Initiating a participative process among the main actors to develop a basic plan that outlines the responsibilities of each actor in the health sector key departments of the ministry of health, medical corps of the armed forces, private sector, NGOs, UN agencies, and donors. What matters is the process of identifying possible overlaps or gaps and building a consensus—not the paper plan itself.
Disasters often present problems that are unforeseen in the most detailed plans. Maintaining a close collaboration with these main actors.
A good coordinator is one who appreciates and adapts to the strengths and weaknesses of other institutions. Stability is essential. Changes of key emergency staff members during a disaster situation or when a new administration or minister take over have occasionally complicated the tasks.
Sensitizing and training the first health responders and managers to face the special challenges of responding to disasters.
Disasters as a Public Health Condition
Participation of external actors UN agencies, donors, or NGOs in designing and implementing the training is critical. The incorporation of disaster management in the academic curriculum of medical, nursing, and public health schools should complement the on-the-job training programs of the ministry of health, UN agencies, and NGOs.
Well-designed disaster management training programs will improve the management of daily medical emergencies and accidents as well. Prevention and Mitigation The slogan "prevention is better than cure" was invented by the health sector. However, this sector has been slow to adopt the concept of preventing deaths and injuries from disasters through the mitigation that is, reduction of damage to its own facilities. As is unfortunately often the case, political action is often triggered only by a major disaster, such as the collapse of Hospital Juarez in Mexico in the earthquake of ; in that disaster patients and employees died, Poncelet Evaluating the damage the past vulnerability helps establish mitigation criteria for the future.
The level of protection required for each health installation must be negotiated—from life protection, which prevents an immediate structural collapse to permit the evacuation of people; to investment protection, which minimized the economic losses; to operational protection, which guarantees the sustainability of services under any extreme circumstances. Though a commercial or office building may be structurally designed only to prevent loss of lives, key hospitals must remain operational during the times they are most needed.
Local engineering and architectural experts play a key role in developing the knowledge, technical abilities, and cost-effectiveness analysis to establish mitigation priorities. At that time, risk awareness is high, political will is present, and resources are available. When planning new infrastructure. Reducing vulnerability is most cost-effective and politically acceptable when it is included at the earliest planning and negotiation stage, whether it involves a 1 to 2 percent additional cost for wind resistance or a 4 to 6 percent additional cost for earthquake resilience.
Full resistance to any damage is prohibitively expensive. Strengthening of existing facilities retrofitting. This most expensive measure has been adopted by several developing countries Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, Peru, and others to protect their most critical health facilities. In the earthquake in Colombia in , partial retrofitting of the main hospital is credited for saving the installation.
Costs vary greatly see table Retrofitting of Hospitals in Costa Rica. Mitigation of Damage to Hospitals Mitigation does not pretend to eliminate all possible damage from hazards but aims to ensure the continuing operation of the health facility at a level previously defined by the health authority. Hospitals should be subject to stricter norms than other less critical facilities that are designed to prevent only total collapse and loss of life.
Hospital mitigation interventions fall into three categories: Functional mitigation to ensure that the necessary supporting infrastructure services permit continuing operation: water, electricity, road access, communications, and so forth.
Improving routine maintenance will facilitate operations under normal circumstances and in the event of extreme hazards. Nonstructural mitigation to reduce losses and health injuries from falling or moving objects. Measures include, for instance, proper anchoring of equipment for earthquakes or strong winds or the location of only noncritical services on flood-prone floors. Structural mitigation to ensure the safety of the structure itself columns, beams, load-bearing walls. Given the high economic, health, and political costs represented by the avoidable loss of critical health facilities, health authorities and funding agencies should require that, in all new health infrastructure projects, natural hazards be a decisive factor for selecting the facility's location and for formulating the specifications at the earliest stage of the process.
Mitigation of Damage to Water Systems Unlike hospitals, water supply systems are geographically extensive and thus are exposed to different types of hazards. The search for technical solutions is more complex, given the diversity of the water system's components.
Finally, in many countries, the health authorities have no jurisdiction over the construction or operation of those services owned or administered by many local or municipal agencies. Even a short disruption of water services may have serious and direct implications for the health of individuals, the operation of health services, and the community at large through its impact on business.
A probabilistic model studied the disruptive potential of a water outage in the event of an earthquake in Los Angeles county in the United States. As noted by the authors, "water outage is more likely to be disruptive for businesses in some industries, such as health services, than for others" Chang and Chamberlin , The health sector should, therefore, coordinate with the institutions in charge of constructing, operating, and maintaining water and sanitation services, both urban and rural, to promote reduction of the vulnerability of existing systems.
The health sector should also ensure that health aspects and mitigation of damage be included in the regulatory framework and operating procedures of water and sanitation services. Protecting the water supply is feasible in developing countries. Intervention Cost, Cost-Effectiveness, and Economic Benefits The highly emotional and sensationalized climate of disaster response has long prevented the adoption of a cost-effectiveness approach in decision making.
When survival of both people and political institutions is threatened, perceptions and visibility tend to prevail over facts and analysis, resulting in a lack of evidence-based studies on costs and benefits. The willingness to spend hundreds of thousand of dollars per victim rescued from a collapsed building in a foreign country is a credit to the solidarity of the international community, but it also presents an ethical issue when, once the attention has shifted away, modest funding is unavailable for the mid-term survival of tens of thousands of victims.
Cost-Effectiveness of Selected Humanitarian Interventions Emergency health interventions are more costly and less effective than time-tested health activities. Improvisation and rush inevitably come with a high price. The preferential use of expatriate health professionals; the emergency procurement and airlifting of food, water, and supplies that often are available locally or that remain in storage for long periods of time; and the tendency to adopt dramatic measures contribute to making disaster relief one of the least cost-effective health activities.
Search and Rescue Few developing countries have established the technical capacity to search for and attend to victims trapped in confined spaces in the event of the collapse of multistory buildings.
Industrial nations routinely dispatch search and rescue SAR teams. Costs are high and effectiveness is reduced by delayed arrival and quickly diminishing returns. Following the earthquake in Armenia, in the former Soviet Union, the U. In Turkey in , 98 percent of the 50, people pulled alive from the rubble were salvaged by relatives and neighbors. In Bam in , the absence of high-rise and reinforced concrete buildings ruled out the need for specialized teams.
An alternative solution consists of investing these resources in building the capacity of local or regional SAR teams—the only ones able to be effective within hours—and training local hospitals to dispatch their emergency medical services to the disaster site.
Field Hospitals The limited lifesaving usefulness of foreign field hospitals has been discussed. Again, the lessons learned from the Bam earthquake are clear.
This delay alone, hard to reduce further, rules out any significant contribution to immediate trauma care and led the hospitals to compete for routine outpatient care with the teams of Iranian volunteers from across the country.
A few of the mobile hospitals, better prepared to meet nontrauma needs and to stay much longer than the usual two to three weeks, have been invaluable. No data are available on the number of lives actually saved by mobile hospitals that is, lives that would not have been saved by local means.
Less understood are the negative effects of such hospitals on local health services, which are often marginalized and discredited for their lack of technology and sophistication but which must cope once the external facility leaves. Such an approach was adopted by the U. In-Kind Donations Unsolicited donations of inappropriate medical supplies not only are of limited use, but often cause serious logistic, economic, and political problems in the recipient country.
Warehousing those supplies and, in many instances, building facilities incinerators, for example for the safe disposal of pharmaceutical donations diverts humanitarian funds from more effective uses. Recipient countries collectively share part of the responsibility by not clearly indicating what they do not want to receive and by not speaking out once inappropriate items arrived.
Disease Prevention and Control Postdisaster interventions in surveillance and control of communicable diseases should focus on strengthening existing programs. Benefits will outlive the crisis. Improvised mass immunizations instead of improved sanitation and public awareness and vector control by aerial spraying or fogging instead of breeding-site reduction or waste disposal are just two examples of wasteful managerial decisions.
Shelters Tent cities should be a last resort. Family-size tents may be expensive and do not last long. Establishing large settlements is easy, but such settlements are difficult to sustain and nearly impossible to terminate. They come with their own sanitation problems and social shortcomings lack of privacy, loss of family identity, and loss of empowerment.
Distributing construction material or, preferably, cash subsidies is more cost-effective and tailored to the needs and priorities of end users. Cash Assistance Developed societies long ago abandoned the distribution of in-kind relief goods and services to their nationals in favor of direct financial assistance in the form of subsidies, grants, or tax relief.
Keller, Devecchio,Natural Hazards Earths Processes as Hazards 3rd Edition 2012
The individual is free to determine actual priorities and to seek the most cost-effective source of services shelter, medical, food, or other. It is therefore surprising that external assistance from these same countries remains focused on the costly delivery of predetermined services or commodities. The most immediate lifesaving needs can be addressed only locally with existing resources and capacity.
No cash contribution will meet those immediate needs.
Beyond the acute phase, in many countries with market economies, most other services and goods are easily procured by those with financial means, suggesting that income availability is often the single limiting factor in rehabilitation.
Undoubtedly, this approach would affect considerably the type and number of humanitarian actors by transferring power and decision making to the local beneficiaries and relying on local economic forces for delivery to the end user.
It may also bring its own set of problems and abuses , though perhaps that is a small cost, considering the economic and social benefits of the most interested party—the victim—being in charge. Cost-Effectiveness of Prevention and Mitigation The social benefits of making hospitals and water systems more resilient to the effects of natural hazards are recognized but too rarely applied.
The most compelling case for the cost-effectiveness of mitigation can be made during the planning phase for new installations, when costs of additional structural safety are minimal.
Although the social benefits of prevention and risk management are more evident in the health sector than in others, further studies are needed to provide decision makers with quantified parameters of the economic benefits brought about by investment in risk management and disaster reduction.
When the value of services lost is added to the infrastructure loss, the additional investment is reduced to between 2 and 4 percent of direct and indirect losses observed. Prevention of chemical and radiation accidents can be a highly cost-effective expense that is normally absorbed by the respective industries.
Respect for existing norms in the use of radiotherapy and diagnostic equipment and, once such equipment is decommissioned, its proper disposal reduces DALYs from accidents at a modest cost. Mobilization of Resources Funding for preparedness and response programs follows rules and procedures that are distinct from those applicable to development projects. Most donors maintain a specific office or department for humanitarian affairs with a separate budget line. Procedures are also streamlined for quick response to unexpected situations.
Processing a request takes a matter of days in emergencies and takes months for preparedness or mitigation projects, but it can take years in typical development projects negotiated with donors or financial institutions. From a ministry of health point of view, competition for disaster resources is with other sectors or humanitarian organizations, not within the sector as it would be, for instance, with malaria or tuberculosis control projects.
Funding for Preparedness "By strengthening our public health planning for natural disasters and disease outbreaks, we will be in a better position to care for our populations, regardless of the type of hazard that confronts our health departments" Rottman , 1.
This message, addressed to the public health community in the United States, is even more pertinent for developing countries.
Most humanitarian offices in more developed countries allocate a modest but increasing proportion of their funds for predisaster capacity building. The capacity of the ministries of health to secure directly nonreimbursable funding depends on the following: The existence of an established disaster program within the ministry, demonstrating a long-term commitment to health disaster preparedness.
An ongoing dialogue with local representatives of donors and their prior involvement in disaster-related activities or meetings of the health sector. A realistic projection of concrete activities, taking into consideration the efforts of others, especially NGOs. One- or two-year training or capacity-building projects are more likely to be supported than those of longer duration that have recurrent costs or involve the purchase of equipment radios, vehicles.
A multisectoral preparedness component is also increasingly included in loans negotiated in the aftermath of disasters. Intended to strengthen the capacity of the civil protection agency, the funding is no substitute for local political commitment to assume recurrent expenses, the only guarantee of sustainability. Resources for Emergency Response The amount of external resources available for response, financial or material, is influenced by the type of hazard, geopolitical considerations, and the number of deaths rather than that of survivors in need of assistance.
Funding is channeled mostly through humanitarian NGOs, the Red Cross system, or multilateral organizations, rather than through national governments.
Consequently, the priority of the health authorities, rather than to seek direct contributions to the ministry, should be to ensure that health needs are properly identified and adequately covered by those agencies benefiting from the donations. Ministries of health often can obtain indirect financial support for their own activities through UN projects.
Concentrating on several key factors will improve the flow of external resources toward health priorities: Issuing a rapid and reliable assessment of what is needed and what is not needed for the emergency response, rather than waiting for a detailed assessment of the physical damage.
Focusing on tomorrow's emergency health problems. External response is unable to address today's short-lived problems. Keeping a long-term view. Funding for emergency response is limited to a few months, whereas the health problems caused by the disaster will stay much longer.
Projects should offer sustained benefits beyond their conclusion. Recognizing shortcomings in governance when in contact with the many bilateral fact-finding or assessment missions coming to the disaster site. Funding for Reconstruction Funding for reconstruction is multisectoral and is often coordinated by an international financing institution global or regional , together with a consortium of large donor countries.
The health sector will compete with other social priorities and the "productive" sectors in an arena where the health burden measured in DALYs does not carry the same weight as economic factors. Success will depend on an exhaustive monetary valuation of the health damage, rapid formulation of projects, political support from the country's highest authorities, and technical support and endorsement of specialized UN agencies and larger NGOs.
Funding for Mitigation of Damage Protecting the national capital investment of the health sector is primarily the responsibility of the country at risk. Development agencies or financial institutions may contribute only marginally to the actual cost of retrofitting installations or improving the design of new facilities.
Modest funding for pilot or demonstration prevention programs may be available from both the humanitarian and the development sources of donor countries. Humanitarian offices may support promotion of the concept, development of guidelines or studies on vulnerabilities, and training. The health sector will benefit from close contacts with financial institutions, the ministry of foreign affairs, and other national ministries. Negotiations to ensure that new installations are able to withstand disasters must be initiated at the earliest opportunity, and the corresponding additional costs should be considered in the earliest stages of the project.
Implementation of Control Strategies: Lessons of Experience and Challenges Faced All countries in Latin America and the Caribbean have established programs and structures for disaster risk management within their ministries of health.
Some lessons can be learned from this process: The occurrence of a major disaster in the country or its neighbor is the initial catalyst for health authorities to recognize that disasters represent public health risks that must be addressed in an institutionalized manner.
Access to and support from the political level has determined the success or failure in coordinating the external and domestic health response.
A multihazard program covering the entire health sector is most effective. Assigning responsibility for coordination and management among different technical departments according to the type of hazard chemical or natural, for instance does not work. A risk management program should cut across departments medical care, epidemiology, water supply, sanitation, nutrition, and so forth of the ministry of health and become sector wide.
The synergy between normal development, preparedness, and disaster response activities should be recognized. Poor development practices increase vulnerability, whereas preparedness improves the attention to daily health challenges. Programs narrowly focused on operational response have generally failed. The Research and Development Agenda Disasters in any one country are relatively infrequent. In addition to being a dangerous temptation for the authorities to postpone preventive actions, this infrequency is an impediment for research and institutional memory.
On one hand, the humanitarian culture tends to raise ethical questions on the role of observers at a time when action at all costs is expected. On the other hand, few health academicians wish to embark on projects when control groups and time for advance planning are unavailable. Particularly encouraging are the increased numbers of publications and guidelines by UN organizations and NGOs and the trend toward organizing workshops on lessons learned a few months after a major disaster. These meetings of national experts and officials together with representatives from external actors are invaluable for identifying and sharing operational or institutional successes and failures for the collective benefit of other countries at risk.
Epidemiological research should, therefore, complement engineering studies to design better facilities and preparedness measures. After the initial disaster, basic questions need to be answered: How many secondary deaths and disabilities can actually be prevented by improving search and rescue and trauma care?
How can researchers objectively assess the risk of outbreak following disasters? In particular, how can they better differentiate between cases attributable to increased transmission and those resulting from improved surveillance and medical attention provided to the victims? The alternative is to continue to divert scarce resources away from routine disease control programs and toward costly measures of doubtful effectiveness.
Strategic Research Research is required that will compare the effectiveness of preparedness and response strategies and approaches: With respect to preparedness, how should researchers assess the effectiveness of training and coordination versus that of investing in hardware and stockpiles?
For instance, will the accreditation of hospitals based on their safety and readiness improve their disaster performance? With respect to mitigation, how should limited funding for retrofitting health facilities be allocated? Is nonstructural mitigation a workable alternative in the absence of structural measures? With respect to response, what is the effect of international assistance in terms of reductions in DALY losses that could not be achieved locally? Is it contributing to strengthening the capacity of the developing countries?
What type of humanitarian assistance has proven to be development friendly?
Finally, how should researchers measure the effectiveness of preparedness or mitigation given the unpredictability of disasters? Economic Research Humanitarian response is resistant to concepts of cost-effectiveness.
Economists should contribute to the comparative study of the immediate and long-term effects of external interventions versus less costly alternatives such as relying on local resources and building local capacity.
A cost-benefit analysis of international medical interventions prior to and during a disaster situation is also overdue.
Economic assessment of the damage to the health sector remains focused on physical losses and fails to sufficiently consider the broader burden on a society caused by the loss of health services over a sustained period. Refining the existing methodology and developing quantitative indicators to estimate those indirect costs should be a research priority. Conclusions Natural hazards are not likely to decrease in the foreseeable future. Though geological events may occur independently of any human control, available data suggest that mankind plays a role in global climate.
Technological hazards may also increase rapidly as a result of the unregulated development of industries in most countries and possibly the use of weapons-grade hazardous substances against civilian populations. An increase in the number of hazards should not mean that the resulting health burden will also increase. A sustained effort is needed to minimize risk, both by reducing vulnerability through prevention and mitigation and by increasing capacity through preparedness measures.
A Strategic Approach The prime objective of a developing country is to develop. Emergencies and disasters have proven to be major obstacles and setbacks in the path toward sustainable development.
Conversely, the shortcomings in development programs and institutions reduce the effectiveness of the health response in times of crisis. Development and disaster risk management cannot be addressed separately. Reducing risk is not a luxury reserved for more developed societies; it is a necessity in countries with fragile economies and health systems. It is clearly a public health priority. Disasters, as any other public health problem, need to be addressed on a long-term and institutionalized basis through the establishment in the ministry of health of a program or department for prevention, mitigation, preparedness, and response for all types of disasters.
Trends in Latin America suggest that such an approach in the context of sustainable development contributes to narrowing the gap in disaster-related deaths and disabilities as measured by DALYs between industrial and developing countries.
Disaster risk reduction is not merely a health issue. The economic and political dimensions should not, however, be allowed to overshadow the fundamental fact that disasters are, above all, human tragedies incompatible with the definition of health adopted by the WHO constitution.
On one hand, the health sector should adapt and use the methodology of economic valuation of disaster impact as developed by ECLAC; on the other hand, the financial world should also learn to give equal consideration to the health burden DALYs in its decision making for development or reconstruction. For this to take place, health and humanitarian actors need to dramatically improve the availability of data. Disaster risk reduction is not the exclusive domain of a few experts or officials.
It is the collective responsibility of all disciplines and programs in the health sector, as well as a remarkable tool or gateway for collaboration with other sectors. Alone, the ministry of health cannot reduce the health burden or play its coordinating role in the response.
Disaster risk reduction is unlikely to produce immediate results. It requires sustained commitment over the years. Learning from Errors Learning from past disasters is difficult. At a national level, the relatively long periods between major disasters result in few decision makers having prior disaster management experience. It is time for an international initiative to identify the best practices, and it is time for affected countries and scientists to point out the inadequacies of responses.
Humanitarian health interventions, as any other health intervention, should be subject to cost-benefit reviews that compare their benefits in terms of DALY loss reduction to other alternatives, including a possible shift of international emphasis from immediate medical response to preparedness or rehabilitation projects. Local health services are best situated to address the health consequences of disasters.
They should be better prepared to do so. A formalized mechanism to transmit and share those lessons learned from past errors and to build the response capacity is required in the health sector. Finally, the greatest potential for saving lives is in reducing the risks and the vulnerability through better infrastructure, land-use management, public awareness, and training.
The challenge in risk reduction is to sustain public support and political will in periods of calm. International organizations—WHO in particular—have a unique and critical role to play as advocates for a long-term approach to disaster risk management in the context of sustainable development.
Acknowledgements The field of disaster epidemiology, a concept first introduced in the early s by M. Lechat of the University of Louvain in Belgium, is now calling on many disciplines and fields of knowledge.
This chapter relies heavily on the successes and failures of the health sectors in Latin America and the Caribbean, a region where a sustained effort over 25 years, with the support of PAHO, WHO, and donor countries, traced the way to the reduction of risks from extreme events.
This chapter owes greatly to a large number of experts and professionals in the health sector of those countries. References Alexander D. Almost all stories account has remarkable similarities to the Babylonian have a forewarning of the disaster, the survival of a Epic of Gilgamesh.
In this epic, Utnapishtim, who chosen few, and a sudden onset of rain. However, the actually existed as the tenth king of Babylon, replaces Bible has water issuing from the ground, as do Chinese, Noah, who was the tenth descendant of Adam.
The Egyptian, and Malaysian accounts. The latter aspect biblical account parallels the epic, which tells of the may refer to earthquakes breaking reservoirs or building of an ark, the loading of it with different animal impounded lakes.
Natural Hazards and Disasters, 3rd Edition
Babylonian civilization was founded in erence to tsunami. Clay deposits in entire world, or over continents. The epic and biblical ones describing volcanism or the disappearance of accounts are undoubtedly contemporaneous and, in continents.
Alter- sank with the loss of millions of inhabitants. Chinese natively, it may have come from meteorite debris. The and Hindu legends also recount lost continents.
Bible also viewed earthquakes as divine visitation. An Perhaps the most famous lost continent legend is the earthquake preceded the arrival of the angel sent to story of Atlantis, written by Plato in his Critias. The disappearance of Atlantis and certainly published in peer-reviewed literature. There is Aegean. The Krakatau eruption of also spawned many Legends, however, can become credible. Hence, the legends on surrounding islands.
Each from the Cascadian subduction zone off the west coast time she takes refuge in a volcano, she is found by of the United States. The fact that the legend mentions her sister, killed, and then resurrected. Finally, Pele water overrunning hilltops has still not been explained. Remarkably, this legend parallels the believe that published statements were accepted as temporal sequence of volcanism in the Hawaiian articles of faith when they were scrutinized by only two Islands.
Certainly, the rise of information They are attributed by animistic societies in India to on the Internet is challenging twentieth century animals trying to get out of the Earth. Ancient Mexicans Catastrophism vs.
Timorese thought that a giant sup- ported the Earth on his shoulder and shifted it to the Until the middle of the eighteenth century, western other side whenever it got too heavy. On 1 November , an earthquake, with a possible The oscillating water levels around the Greek islands surface magnitude of 9.
Shortly after the earthquake, a tsunami humans for their sins. This type of uniformitarianism was punishment for the licentious behavior of believers established to counter the arguments raised by the in Lisbon, and retribution for the severity of the Catastrophists. The second concept implies constancy Portuguese Inquisition. Immanuel Kant and Jean- of rates of change or material condition through time.
Jacques Rousseau viewed the disaster as a natural This concept is nothing more than inductive reasoning. In , John Mitchell, Geology same manner that they would have one hundred Professor at Cambridge University, documented the million years ago, and prehistoric tsunami behave the spatial effects of the earthquake on lake levels through- same as modern ones described in our written records.
He found that no seiching was reported If one wants to understand the sedimentary deposits of closer to the city than km, nor further away than an ancient tidal estuary, one has to do no more than go km. The seiching affected the open coastline of to a modern estuary and study the processes at work.
He deduced evolve slowly. However, it does not withstand scrutiny. Beforehand, the Catastrophists dom- discontinuities that have dominated the geological inated geological methodology. These were the people record. Catastrophists believed events had to slowly. Charles Lyell, one of the jumps. For the next forty years, he bore change by natural processes operating at relatively the ridicule and invectiveness of the geological estab- constant rates.
This idea implied that processes shaping lishment for proposing this radical idea. This is In fact, the idea of uniformitarianism involves two a major question cropping up throughout this book.
There are no most hazards can be described succinctly. In some cases, the In order to produce, they interact with each other, and evidence for catastrophic events cannot be explained. Labor thus mega-tsunami or super storms can move boulders to becomes the active and effective link between society the top of cliffs 30 or more meters high. The mega- and nature. If workers or peasants are able to control tsunami theory has been attacked — mainly because no their own labor, they are better adapted to contend with historical tsunami generating similar deposits has been the vagaries of the natural environment.
The separation witnessed. However, the same argument can be applied of workers from the means of production implies to the alternative hypothesis of mega-storms.
The that others, namely those people capitalists or bosses dilemma of changing hazard regimes will be discussed who control the means of production, govern their at the end of this book. This state of affairs is self- perpetuating.
Because capitalists control labor and The relationship between humans production, they are better equipped to survive and and natural hazards Susman et al. Watts, The main point about the Marxist view of natural The above concepts emphasize the natural aspect of hazards is that hazard response is contingent upon the natural hazards.
Disasters can also be viewed from a position people occupy in the production process. This sociological or humanistic viewpoint. An extensive social differentiation of reactions to natural hazards is a chapter at the end of this book deals with the human widespread phenomenon in the Third World, where it response to natural hazards at the personal or group is typical for people at the margins of society to live in level. While there are great similarities in natural the most dangerous and unhealthy locations.
A major hazard response amongst various cultures, societies slum in San Juan, Puerto Rico, is frequently inundated and political systems, it will be shown that fundamen- at high tide; the poor of Rio de Janeiro live on the tal differences also occur.
This is particularly evident in precipitous slopes of Sugarloaf Mountain subject to the ways that countries of contrasting political ideology, landslides; the slum dwellers of Guatemala live on the or of differing levels of economic development, cope steeper slopes affected by earthquakes; the Bangladeshi with drought. However, in Australia no one starved and World and westernized society can be illustrated by drought relief was managed internally.
Both areas lie in major tropical storm zones, and twentieth century. This sociological viewpoint states both possess adequate warning facilities. The tropical that the severity of a natural hazard depends upon who storms were of the same intensity, and destroyed you are, and to what society you belong at the time of totally about 80 per cent of the buildings in the main the disaster.
Over people died in Honduras, forcibly by Marxist theory. Droughts, earthquakes and while only 64 died in Darwin. A Marxist would reason other disasters do not kill or strike people in the same that the destitute conditions of under-development in way.
The poor and oppressed suffer the most, experi- Honduras accounted for the difference in the loss of ence worst the long-term effects, with higher casualties life between these two events. Society is differentiated more likely as a result. In Marxist philosophy, it is into groups with different levels of vulnerability to meaningless to separate nature from society: It has been presented simply to make the reader tectonic activity. After all, European populations were aware that there are alternative viewpoints about the badly decimated by the climatic cooling that occurred effects of natural hazards.
The Marxist view is based after the middle of the fourteenth century — and upon the structure of societies or cultures, and how everyone knows that the Los Angeles area is well those societies or cultures are able to respond to overdue for a major earthquake.
One might also argue changes in the natural environment. The framework that Third World countries bring much of the disaster of this book, on the other hand, is centered on the upon themselves. The frequency and magnitude of If governments in Third World countries took national these events may vary with time, and particular types measures to change their social structure, they would of events may be restricted in their worldwide occur- not be so vulnerable to natural disasters.
For example, rence. However, natural hazards cannot be singled out Japan, which occupies a very hazardous earthquake in time and space and considered only when they affect zone, has performed this feat through industrialization a vulnerable society.
An understanding of how, where in the twentieth century. One might further argue that and when hazards take place can be achieved only by Australians or Americans cannot be held responsible studying all occurrences of that disaster. The arrival of for the misery of the Third World. Apart from foreign a tropical cyclone at Darwin, with the loss of 64 lives, aid, there is little we can do to alleviate their plight.
Marxism stipulates that western, developed nations are Studies of both events contribute to our knowledge of partially responsible for, and perpetuate the effect of the effects of such disasters upon society and permit us disasters upon, people in the Third World — because we to evaluate how societies respond subsequently.
The fact that we give foreign aid is irrelevant. The map excludes epidemics or keeping underprivileged people in a state of poverty famine.Pangaea B. The best. The tectonic cycle provides water from volcanic processes as well as the heat and energy required to form and change the earth materials transferred in biogeochemical cycles.
Chapters 11 and 12, Streams and Flood Processes and Floods and Human Interactions, are reorganized and now include extensive new coverage of the floods in the upper Mississippi Valley and a new flood event initiated by winter freezing and spring thaw on the Red River in North Dakota.
Brown University Jean M. Large or even gigantic events are a part of nature. The that others, namely those people capitalists or bosses dilemma of changing hazard regimes will be discussed who control the means of production, govern their at the end of this book. The Tethys Sea. Hotspot Volcanoes 1. The higher-density oceanic plate descends.
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